RELIGION AND IDEOLOGY FISSURE AS A MAJOR FACTOR OF TERRORISM

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study

Ideology has often been implicated in violent, radical movements (Rapoport, 1984) and since 9/11, much attention has been devoted to the ideological underpinnings of violent Jihadist groups and others (Atran, Axelrod, & Davis, 2007; Habeck, 2006; Jurgensmeyer, 2004; Ranstorp, 2004; Schbley & McCauley, 2005; Stern, 2003). Scholars and other experts hardly agree on the role religious ideology plays in non-state violence. Is it cause or consequence, after the-fact justification, or simply a rhetorical rallying call? In this study, we will examine how anthropologists have defined religion and ideology, and consider its role in violent movements. In this brief essay, we will make the case that the concept of religious ideology is imprecise and because of this analytical imprecision, its usefulness as an aid to understanding people's shared thoughts and values is severely limited. Furthermore, we will assert that the concept should never be used to account for or to explain people's behavior. we will suggest that a better way to think about different religious traditions and the groups of people immersed in them is derived from a research strategy in anthropology called "cultural materialism" (Harris 1979). Cultural materialism avoids explanations based on ideology and concentrates instead on the pragmatic, day-to-day circumstances that condition people's actual behavior.

The phrase "religious ideology" is often used loosely in anthropology and in casual conversation to refer to the set of socially shared ideas associated with a given religion. Thus, people talk and write about the religious ideology of Islam or Christianity as if a distinctive set of ideas or beliefs characterizes the one religion in opposition to the other. Furthermore, these imputed characteristic ideas and beliefs are often used by analysts to account for certain forms of behavior engaged in by followers of a religious tradition. For example, people often say that Catholics have more children than Protestants because their religious ideology leads them to regard birth control as sinful and it is therefore avoided. Major world religions such as Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, and Judaism have features that make them relatively easy to identify.

Nigeria is a country that is extremely culturally and religiously diversified (Osaghae and Suberu, 2005). The modern state of Nigeria has its origins infused in British colonization, which extended from the 19th century to the 20th century. The British colonial rule saw the merging of the numerous kingdoms and tribal states situated within its territories being merged into the Southern Nigeria Protectorate and the Northern Nigeria Protectorate (Adkins, 2015). The British took control of the territory by erecting legal and administrative structure while at the same time, retaining the traditional chiefdoms. The arrival of European missionaries by way of the Atlantic Ocean saw a majority of the regions in the Southern Protectorate of Nigeria, including its central regions, converting to Christianity. This marked the beginning of the importance of religion in the development of Nigeria and set the stage for the eventual development of the terror group Boko Haram. The conquest of Northern Nigeria by the Fulani Jihadists, who penetrated the northern borders by way of the Sahara Desert, saw to it that a greater part of the north, extending to some of the areas in the middle belt and South West, was converted to Islam (AECAWA, 1987). Nigeria became mentally divided at this point, based on religious sentiments and ethnic diversification (Burns and Burns, 1972; Falola and Heaton, 2008).

Before the advent of colonialism and the Fulani Jihadists in the 16th and 18th centuries respectively, the people of Nigeria were enmeshed in the traditional belief system which involved the worship of ancestral spirits and demi-gods (Kwabiah, 2010). At the beginning of the 19th century, Usman dan Fodio, a man of Fulani descent and well educated in classical Islamic science, directed a successful jihad which resulted to the creation of the Fulani Empire, better known as the Sokoto Caliphate (Kwabiah, 2010). The need for the Jihad arose due to the fact that many of the Fulani tribesmen who were under the leadership of Usman dan Fodio was displeased with the actions of the rulers of the Hausa states. They accused the Hausa leaders of contaminating the religion of Islam with some traces of the traditional religion of that region. Usman had conceived the creation of a theocratic state with a much stricter interpretation of Islam. Usman stated clearly to his followers that the sultans of the Hausa states were undeniably unbelievers and idol worshippers hiding under the auspices of professing Islam. His declaration condemning them for feigning piety whilst practicing polytheistic rituals which lured people away from the path of Allah (Ikime, 1977; Smaldone, 1977). Usman also accused the Hausa leaders of raising the flag of an unworthy worldly kingdom over the banner of Islam concluding that this was a demonstration of unbelief in all ramifications (Sulaiman, 198). The aftermath of the jihad brought about the creation of a theocratic federal state, with an extensive autonomy for emirates that would recognize and pay obeisance to the spiritual authority of the caliph or the Sultan of Sokoto (Weiss, 2002). This territory, which became the largest state in Africa south of the Sahara, at the time, included most of the Hausa states such as Kano, Katsina, and Zaria. It extended as far as Nupe, Borno, Adamawa, Gombe, and Illorin which were territories that had a significant number of major or minor groups of Fulani alims or scholars. These territories which have come to be known in the modern day, as northern and central Nigeria. The division lasted until 1903. At that time it was segmented into much smaller, varied, European colonies as part of the aftermath of the British colonial invasion (Ikime, 1980).

In 1914, the British consolidated its administration by formally uniting the Niger area into the Lagos Colony as well as the Northern and Southern Protectorate of Nigeria (Dickovick, 2014). This action was facilitated by inhabitants of the southern region maintaining more economic and social interaction with the British and other Europeans due to the coastal economy (Isichei and Isichei, 1983). Under the British policy of indirect rule, including the validation of Islamic tradition, the British monarchy did not encourage the operations of Christian missions in the northern Islamic part of the country. The Christian missions were, therefore, confined to creating Western educational institutions, and those mainly in the Southern protectorates (Kalu, 1980). Some of the elite Nigerians, who came from the South, took advantage of these educational establishments and sent their children to Great Britain in pursuit of a higher education (Crowder and Abdullahi, 1979). By the post-Independence era, there were identifiable regional differences due to the obvious influence of heightened educational access. Although the origins of this difference may be less apparent today, it has brought about a legacy of enlightenment that prevails even in the present day. Alternately, the legacy of differences did not play a benign role in the politics of North and South Nigeria. For instance, Northern Nigeria did not abolish slavery until 1936, whilst in other parts of Nigeria slavery was abolished soon after the introduction of colonial rule (Lovejoy and Hogendorn, 1993). The post-World War era saw the growth of Nigerian nationalism and the need, the demand, for independence. With subsequent constitutions being introduced and legislated by the British government, Nigeria moved from the indirect rule toward self-government on a representative and steadily rising federal basis (Falola and Heaton, 2008). As Nigeria gained its independence from British colonialism on October 1st 1960, it was faced with the socio-political dilemma of unifying and integrating its peoples, despite the seeming debacle resulting from the religious and ethnic divides. Since then, its mode of government has been alternating between military dictatorships and democratically elected civilian governments. Nigeria did not accomplish reunification until October 1, 1970, following a vicious civil war (Reuters, 1970).

1.2 Statement of Problem

Due to its plethora of diverse and often conflicting ethno-linguistic groups as well as religions, Nigeria has been constantly burdened with the trouble of sectarian tensions and violence (Ojie and Ewhrudjakpor, 2009). This phenomenon has continued to surface its ugly head even at the turn of this new millennium with sectarian violence erupting from Boko Haram.

Boko Haram is an Islamist movement. Like many other terrorist groups which are driven by religion, Boko Haram states that it seeks to abolish the secular system of government. It seeks to destroy the Nigerian government and establish Sharia law in the country (IBP, 2015). Nigeria, once well respected for its role in restoring stability in some conflict-torn states in West Africa, is now in need of the assistance of the international community in ensuring that peace and stability is restored to its own territory (Onuoha, 2014). As at this moment, the threat of internal security in Nigeria by Boko Haram has extended to some West African countries which are sharing a common border with Nigeria, such as Cameroon, Niger and Chad (Onuoha, 2014).

Ever since this new millennium, the world has seen terrorism grow on a steady level with acts of violence and cruel abuse to mankind growing worse as Jihadists embed their hold in various locations of the world. From the destruction of the Twin Towers at the World Trade Center in New York on September 11, 2001, to the spate of bombings in north eastern Nigeria and its Federal Capital Territory since 2002; terrorism has with these latest developments, arguably become one of the biggest threats to security, global peace and stability in modern times (Telegraph News, 2015). In view of this opinion, it would be rational to assume that terrorism should not be addressed within the scope of a national or regional perspective. Instead, its mechanism should be approached from a wider sense, if every nation of the world truly desires to see an end to this universal scourge. Going by this statement, the worldwide manifestation of terrorism has indeed displayed its machinations in Nigeria, translating into a phenomenon that has found its expression in insurgency by the dreaded Boko Haram sect. This sectarian insurgency has brought about the need for a critical analysis of the consequences of this violence as threat to inducing a dire humanitarian crisis which has threatened the security in Nigeria. It is anticipated that this study will throw more light on the intricacies of this religious sect, their ideologies and their operations in a bid to deducing recommendations to how they can be quelled by utilizing the findings from this research.

1.3 Purpose of the Study

The main purpose of this study is to examine religion and ideology fissure as a major factor of terrorism. The other purposes include:

1. To establish the nexus between religion and terrorism in Nigeria

2. To identify the underpinnings of religion and ideology varieties as factors that instigate terrorism

3. To evaluate the extent of regional and global response to the terrorist threats arising from the religious and varying ideology groups

4. To investigate the humanitarian consequences of terrorism in Nigeria

1.4 Research Questions

In line with the objectives of this research, the following research questions were formulated;

1. What is the nexus between religion and terrorism in Nigeria?

2. What are the underpinnings of religion and ideology varieties as factors that instigate terrorism?

3. What is the extent of regional and global response to the terrorist threats arising from the religious and varying ideology groups?

4. What are the humanitarian consequences of terrorism in Nigeria?

1.5 Significance of the Study

The terrorist activities of Boko Haram have become a scourge on Nigeria’s wellbeing and political stability for more than a decade. This study will focus on religion and ideology fissure as a major factor of terrorism, the effect which terrorism and insurgency has had on the humanitarian crisis and security challenges in Nigeria, taking a critical review from the standpoint of Boko Haram’s leash of religiously motivated violence and terror. Another angle that is examined is the campaign by the sect to recruit more members to swell the numbers of terrorists. Thus far, the Nigerian Armed Forces have been unable to stop the development of the terror army. This thesis will be of relevance in providing input for use with policy in fighting the onslaught of Boko Haram on the citizens and legitimate government in Nigeria.

Most recent developments have shown that the terror activities of Boko Harm have extended beyond the borders of Nigeria to other neighboring West African countries which share a common border with Nigeria. These countries include Cameroon, Republic of Niger and Chad. As a result of this, many non-combatant Nigerian citizens and civilians have fled their homeland to seek refuge in neighboring countries outside Nigeria. This has brought about increasing numbers of internally displaced persons. This concern must be addressed. Many Nigerians have been left homeless; without shelter, food or water, prompting the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR to take action in bringing relief materials to these stranded Nigerians. Apart from these actions taken by the UNHCR, no other major or conscious effort has been made to rescue these internally displaced persons so that they are reintegrated back to their communities where they can settle down once more to living a life of dignity.

The significance of this research is therefore hinged on these developments in a view to accentuating their consequences on national security in Nigeria and in the surrounding region. Furthermore, this paper will aim to produce an update on the Boko Haram situation that will enrich the archival literature on the subject, providing conclusions which will assist the Nigerian government and its lawmakers in developing functional policies that will be effective and beneficial to re-strategizing the fight against Boko Haram for optimum results.

1.6 Scope of the Study

The scope of the study represents the parameters under which the study will take place (Simon and Goes, 2013). For example, this study concentrates on Boko Haram, but the scope might include information relating to other terrorist groups.

This research is mainly focused on examining religion and ideology fissure as a major factor of terrorism, against the backdrop of Boko Haram unleashing acts of terror and violence in the country. A research of this magnitude would require a vast amount of research data and materials. There is no overlooking the possibility that information about Boko Haram could be sparse as well as limited access to information materials about the subject. This may be due to the fact that very little research has so far been done on the subject matter. Also, since a majority of Boko Haram activities has to do with a threat to national security, some vital information about the activities of the sect might be kept top secret as a government priority and away from the reach of the general public. Nevertheless, the above listed limitations are still not capable of hindering an effective and well-grounded research work that will translate into an information portal of useful consequence. This limitation rather, shall motivate the researcher to try to rise above them all.

1.7 Research Methodology